Caste equations have always been the center of electoral strategy in Bihar politics, and the recent decision of the Grand Alliance (alliance of RJD, Congress and Left parties) in the context of 2025 assembly elections is an example of this. The Grand Alliance has recently declared Tejashwi Yadav as the chief ministerial face, while Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP)’s Mukesh Sahni has been made the face of Deputy CM. This announcement was made on Thursday (23 October 2025) in Patna in the presence of Congress leader Ashok Gehlot. But this decision has ignored and angered 17-18% Muslim population of Bihar (about 1.8 crore voters). It is being said that when 2.5 per cent of the population can be declared the face of Deputy CM from the stage, then why is the 18 per cent section of the population being kept behind. The question is valid: Why not the promise of Deputy CM to such a big vote bank? Let us understand based on facts and analysis.
Three big arguments are being given for not promising a Muslim Deputy CM:
1. When you are getting votes, then what kind of noise is there? grand alliance I have a feeling that when they are getting Muslim votes then why should they be included in the fight for big positions of power. The bigger challenge is to consolidate the backward class and Dalit votes. Opponents are even saying that by showing Muslims the fear of BJP, the parties of the Grand Alliance are making fun of themselves.
2. If one person is chosen as the face, there is a risk that the others will get angry. At present, a clear face is not being found in the Muslim leadership which the entire alliance can accept. However, RJD leader Abdul Bari Siddiqui was sitting on the stage. But, if the turn of Muslim leadership comes then Congress leaders will also stake claim.
3. Third, and the biggest argument is that the Grand Alliance is afraid of the BJP’s narrative. If the Deputy CM is a Muslim then the opposition will say ‘Muslim-appeasement’ is taking place. This will create a danger of reverse polarization. That is, there is a danger of 82 percent getting disintegrated in exchange of giving power share to 18 percent.
Now let us take a closer look at these aspects and see in the complex political scenario of Bihar why Muslim leadership is marginalized in Bihar despite having the largest vote bank –
Caste balancing strategy: Bet to strengthen EBC votes
Muslim vote in Bihar (MY – Muslim-Yadav alliance) has been the traditional base of the Grand Alliance, especially RJD. But in the 2020 elections, the division of EBC (Extremely Backward Class) votes proved to be detrimental for the alliance. Mukesh Sahni’s group represents the VIP Mallah community (about 2-3% of the population), which forms the bulk of the EBC. By making Sahni the face of Deputy CM, the Grand Alliance has tried to consolidate the EBC votes, so that the OBC-EBC focus of the NDA (BJP-JDU) can be challenged.
NDA has already tried to woo this section by paying tribute to Karpoori Thakur (EBC icon). Experts believe that this move has been learned from the mistake of 2020 (scattering of EBC votes), where Other Backward Classes were alienated by the Muslim-Yadav focus.
Avoidance of communal polarization: Fear of becoming a Hindu-Muslim issue
The Grand Alliance deliberately wants to keep the elections focused on the battle of ‘forward vs backward’ by not making a Muslim face the Deputy CM. If a Muslim leader was given this post, BJP could have made it an issue of ‘Muslim appeasement’, which would have consolidated Hindu votes.
Communal polarization increased after Ram Vilas Paswan’s Muslim CM stunt in the 2005 elections, which had a long-lasting effect. Parties like AIMIM are already trying to cash in on the issue, saying “13% Yadavs are claiming to save 18% Muslims from BJP, but why not the Deputy CM?”
Grand alliance’s internal politics and pressure of seat-sharing
The VIPs had demanded 15-20 seats, and Sahni’s former NDA connection (he was with the BJP till 2022) makes him useful as a ‘trust vote’. Congress finalized this deal under the leadership of Gehlot, so that the alliance could be avoided. Muslim representation may be found in seats and the cabinet (RJD gave tickets to several Muslim MLAs in 2020), but not in the top posts, as it could make the Yadav-Muslim alliance appear ‘Yadav-dominated’. BJP is raising this issue – “NDA gave Muslim faces like Shahnawaz Hussain, what did the Grand Alliance do?”
Muslim community reaction and potential harm
This decision has created dissatisfaction among Muslims. AIMIM leaders like Shaukat Ali and Asim Waqar are accusing it of considering it as a ‘vote bank’. Trends are going on on social media. If the Grand Alliance had announced two Deputy CMs (like the Rajasthan model), then balance could have been created by including a Muslim. But right now this seems to be a mistake, which could lead to vote shift in Muslim-dominated areas like Seemanchal and Magadha.
Overall, this decision stems from the compulsion of caste arithmetic and communal risk, and not from neglect of Muslims. But ignoring the vote bank in politics can prove costly – the same happened in 2020. If the Grand Alliance makes improvements (such as stronger Muslim representation in the cabinet after the elections), the damage may be limited. Otherwise, AIMIM or NDA may benefit. But, seeing some of the reactions of Muslims on social media, one also realizes that for them, defeating NDA is the first priority, even if for this they are pushed to the margins of power.
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